

“Who was going to blink first?”
A source involved in the tense negotiations from the elections on the future of British Steel told me that, as time passed, and literally, coal to keep the furnaces on burns began to exhaust, that was the question: did the government offer the act itself?
On Saturday, The government is changing the law To answer that question.
Unless something really strange happens, Parliament will vote to give Jonathan Reynolds, the Secretary of Business, the power to tell Steel Britanic what to do, in practice, to buy coal to keep the burning fires, to keep alive the powerful Indy.
Even Thursday I was offering taxpayers’ cash to buy raw materials to keep the ovens as sweeteners for Jingye.
At a time of conversations, the sources suggest that they were asking for a rescue of taxpayers of one billion pounds to keep the plant alive. But they tell me that Price would not have a bone accompanied by any guarantee that the works would be saved or the protected plant forever.
Taking control on Saturday does not do that. Chinese owners will continue to be the shareholders, for now. But the decision of work literally and metaphorically keeps the flames alive: the government expects. And it compromises taxpayers to start coughing to save the steel industry, for how long, it is a more complicated question.

So what is it? Theoretically, Jingye could “act together and recover the company,” suggests a source.
Talking to interested parties on Friday night, that seemed irritatingly unlikely.
The United Kingdom Government has spent the last two weeks trying to tempt them to stay aboard with great incentives. That failed, so the Chans to get involved seem quite thin.
There is the possibility that another company wants to go and rescue the business.
Once again, it does not contain breathing: the company has been losing money for the fist, the underpants approach at the end of its useful life, and the cost of the energy that traces is enormous.
So, in the current state, bar the business as a sacrifice? It is not so beautiful. Remember that Jingye was the only bidder the last time, when a conservative source says: “There were no other bidders: the alternative was the closure or nationalization, and the conservatives were never going to nationalize.” So will it do it?

Until this weekend, that seems quite likely. Remember that the action in Parliament later does not mean nationalization. But it is a necessary first step if that is what is going to happen.
The ministers have probably been heard again and again that “all the options are on the table”, that is their exit card of the jail where they do not commit to anything in case their optional preferred disappears. But as parliamentarians gather to vote in the next steps, a trip to nationalization certainly feels like direction.
Two different sources that have been part of the broader discussions tell me that the prime minister has come to believe that taking British steel back to public hands is what the government will have to do. There are practical and political reasons why that could happen.
First, for the government to hope to achieve its objectives (build infrastructure, spend more in defense at home, grow the economy and protect jobs, it is logical to preserve a steel industry in this country.
That is not just because the ministers detest to see good jobs disappear. But because in the government, the ability to make steel is an important part of what the United Kingdom needs to do. If the plant closes, the United Kingdom would become the only G7 country without primary steel manufacturing capacity.
That was not something that the government was willing to tolerate. Then, if the private sector won the IT, entered the State. Althegh, it would not be unfair to ask why they ended up making this decision at the last minute when the horn fuel is about to run out, since three weeks ago, the company sounded the alarm on possible closures.

Second, that requirement to act has become a political attraction that fits the increasingly familiar script of Sir Keir Starmer, which the new world order has changed: governments must be more active and agile to protect their own interests.
It follows, if, as the Treasury Minister, Darren Jones, told us last week, Globalization is overThen, the United Kingdom has to be able to make the materials and products such as the steel that is really needed.
A source comments: “Drag the conservatives to Parliament on the weekend to support the plans of the Labor Government to save British steel: finally I can see why people said the government was worth it.”
It is political after all.
The conservative leader KEMI Badenoch blamed the “incompetence” of the government for last minute retirement, while the liberal democratic leader Sir Ed Davey said it was an opportunity to create “a serious plan” for the production of national steel.
The reform leader UK Nigel Farage said that the government’s plan was just a “short -term sticky plaster” and that both he and the Green Party have requested public property and the only option.
It is worth remembering that problems in the steel industry did not start with Donald Trump, or this government, or even Jingye. Steel was nationalized in 1967, then sold again to the private sector in 1988.
Frenetic negotiations with the government on jobs, rescue, survival are familiar. But there is a compilation impulse around nationalization as the solution, somewhat unthinkable not long ago.
Hypothetical conversations began at the top of the government a couple of months ago about the possibility, detailed work only in the last week more or less. But there is an increasing consensus: a source familiar with the situation even says: “Nationalization is inevitable and has been for some time.”

But – “The obstacles are huge,” a source tells me. The most obstacle? Cold hard, far beyond the initial price for raw materials to keep Scunthorpe for a few more weeks.
In the long term, the high furnaces are close to the end of their life, the plant needs investment, mass investment, to be safe and have an adequate future. A source of the industry told me that modern electric ovens could have a price up to £ 3 billion each, and Scunthorpe might need two.
Energy costs for new or existing furnaces are huge. In number 10 and number 11, there is a recognition that energy costs for industry can be paralyzed. That could be another area where the government is willing to act.
The government has not yet shared, or has not yet worked, what could be the potential cost to face the long -term plant. A treasure source says it will have to be within the current expense plans. And you do not need to remind you again of the number 11 says that it is money, how strictly cancer Rachel Reeves wants to stick to its expense rules.
And yet, if a great bulge is effective nationalization is the political choice, and it extends to many billions? Let’s see.
The vote of the parliamentarians then won the whole future for British steel. But it puts the Government on a way to realize part of its rhetoric in recent weeks, as a figure says: “Neoliberism is over. Property is important again: work needs to define the place of Britain in this new new world order.”
But approving a law in a hurry is one thing. Another political emotion. Sir Keir used to attract anger on the left of his own party to get away from some of his previous beliefs in common property, the vital industries of nationalization. Billing in a expensive and complicated adventure to preserve a multimillion -dollar industry did not intend to be part of the plan.

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